System and Text: Making Links

 

M.A.K. Halliday

Sydney University

Ruqaiya Hasan

Macquarie University

 

It is always refreshing to read Robert de Beaugrande: not just because he writes breezily (though that helps) but because he clears the air of stale and suffocating ideas. The picture he presents here of twentieth century linguistics, and its twenty-first century prospects, is one we can largely endorse. The prevailing feature of linguistics as a discipline has always been its shortage of data; linguists have never been able to establish the real nature of a linguistic fact to theorize the relationship between instance and system, between events that can be observed and the principles that lie behind these events. Granted that this relationship is considerably more complex with semiotic processes than it is with physical ones (Halliday 1996), it still seems as if linguistics has all this time been at about that point in its development where physics was in the sixteenth century, before technology made it possible to carry out systematic experiments. The arcane theoretical constructions that we have been familiar with in linguistics the separation of language and speech, the determinate conception of grammaticality, the idealised sentences, all de Beaugrande’s ‘pseudos’ and ‘semis’ can be seen as attempts to make up for this lack of empirical foundation, by inventing data in the way that physical scientists had sometimes had to do before they were able, or else allowed, to observe.

What has transformed the scene, or at least is now transforming it, is the corpus: an expanding repository of authentic linguistic data, spoken as well as written, which is accessible for systematic observation and research. As is so often the case, it was a particular advance in technology that made this transformation possible: in this case, the development of the computer. It is about twenty years now since computers evolved to the stage where they became available as tools for serious linguistic research; in that time the corpus has emerged as the primary resource for extending our knowledge of lexicogrammar and semantics, especially in conjunction with complementary achievements in natural language processing. We now at last have data to balance, and constrain, the proliferation of theories that de Beaugrande alludes to.

Where we have to demur, however, is in coupling together Saussure and Chomsky in the way that de Beaugrande seems to be doing (cf. paragraphs 3, 10, 13, 23). Saussure’s reason for excluding a science of parole is that such an enterprise would be unfeasible because parole is in a constant state of flux, whereas Chomsky excludes performance because he sees it as defective and therefore of no possible interest. Where Saussure is multivocal and always leaves room for doubt (Thibault 1997 passim, Hasan 1999), Chomsky is self-assured: he deals in univocal certainties. There is no place in Chomsky’s scheme of things for the dialectic of langue and parole that Saussure allows for in considering language evolution and change. Thus while Chomsky would not see the absence of a body of authentic data as imposing any kind of limitation on the scope and power of linguistics, Saussure by contrast would almost certainly have recognized the vast potential that would be opened up once linguists had the ability to observe their object of study, captured as it is in motion by the scale of the corpus, something that practitioners in the natural sciences had long taken for granted.

De Beaugrande gives a lively account of the early Chomskyan agenda and its baleful relegation of a language to a set of (by definition ‘grammatical’) sentences; and he traces the emergence of a ‘text linguistics’ as an alternative mode of understanding. The conception of a ‘text linguistics’ is itself a hangover from that time, when the dogma of sentence syntax was breaking down; text was coming on to the agenda but it proved impossible to theorize text taking sentence syntax as the point of departure, whether by treating a text as a string of sentences, or by writing a special text syntax. De Beaugrande deplores this segregation of text from language; yet he seems at times to accept it: he retains the term ‘text linguistics’ as in his title, and also the terminological contrast of ‘text’ with ‘language’ (e.g. in  21). If you oppose language to text in this way, it suggests that text is somehow a distinct phenomenon from language; we would prefer to contrast text with system, treating language as a unitary phenomenon encompassing both.

What is most problematic, perhaps, is de Beaugrande’s implied equation of text with language in use. This is problematic on three counts. One is the question whether all language in use is going to qualify as text; consider as an extreme example the language use of certain categories of aphasics. Secondly, and more seriously, de Beaugrande seems to leave out of consideration the properties which make a text a text. For some time now it has been generally agreed that a text is characterised by texture and structure, whatever the terms by which these properties may be referred to. Such concepts no doubt need to be further refined and elaborated; but it seems desirable not to abandon the notion that there are certain characteristics that are criterial to recognizing any given instance of language in use as a text.

It might be that de Beaugrande is talking about ‘text’ in the general sense of any instance of spoken or written language, rather than about 1a text’ as a linguistic unit. But he does refer to ‘a text’, suggesting that it is a unit which links language to speech ( 23); and that it functions in this way because, while it is an ‘actual’ system, it retains some of the ‘virtuality’ that is characteristic of language. We may interpret this in our terms as saying that a text is an environment within which an instantial system may emerge and grow; we would agree, noting however that this can only happen because of the systemic property of language itself. This is why instantiantion in the form of text brings about change in language a point which appears as a sub-motif in de Beaugrande’s own paper. But this property of texts makes it all the more important to clarify the nature of textness in relation to the corpus.

Certainly, a corpus is (or can be) a repository of texts. But this does not mean that every chunk of discourse we extract from a corpus ipso facto constitutes a text, or (and this is our third point) that attending to particular features of corpus-derived instances is the same thing as text analysis. Analysing a text is not the same thing as analysing instances of language in use. We need a richer, more constrained view of what constitutes a text especially if we want to relate texts (as linguistic entities) to other semiotic modalities, as de Beaugrande is keen to do. We are now technologically in a good position to explore some of these modalities, and to show how the various modalities co-operate in creating structures of meaning. This type of semiological enquiry can enrich our idea of performance and throw light on how language is a resource for other modes of semiosis while it itself is also resourced by them. This is yet another respect in which the computer makes possible a qualitative transformation in our understanding of linguistic processes.

In celebrating the computer, though, we should not forget its precursor: the thing that first opened our eyes (and ears) to the realities of language, namely the tape recorder. It was the tape recorder that began the transformation, because it opened up the world of spoken language, especially informal, spontaneous, conversational speech. This had two quite separate consequences. One was to reveal what writing left out, the rich variety of meaning potential that is built up by intonation and rhythm. We could now observe these resources at work, and investigate how they functioned, in integration with the rest of the grammar, to create meaning in text, particularly the information flow and the negotiation of interpersonal space. The other effect of the tape recorder was to reveal the intricacy and highly structured nature of the spoken language. Back in 1964 Halliday, McIntosh & Strevens (1964: 284) pointed up the ‘false notion’ that speech is ‘less grammatical’ than writing; the myth that spoken language was ‘nothing more than an untidy procession of featureless fragments, incapable of analysis’ could no longer be seriously upheld. But the tape recorder showed up more than that: it showed the enormous semogenic potential of informal speech that here were the semantic frontiers of language, where new meanings were constantly being created and semantic systems extended and enriched. In other words, it showed us the order of speech, its choreographic complexity as each moment becomes the point of departure for a further discursive move. It might be helpful to present an example of what we mean by this characterisation. Consider the following conversation which took place at an exhibition of paintings (Svartvik & Quirk 1980: 215-8):

A: Yes; that’s very good. ... I wouldn’t be able to have that one for some reason you see: this checker board effect I recoil badly from this. I find I hadn’t looked at it, and I think it’s probably because it probably reminds me you know of nursing Walter through his throat, when you play checker boards or something. I think it’s it reminds me of the ludo board that we had, and I just recoiled straight away and thought [mm] not not that one, and I didnt look inside; but that’s very fine, [mm mm] isn’t it? very fine, yes.

B: It’s very interesting to try and analyse why one likes abstract paintings, cause I like those checks; just the very fact that they’re not all at right angles means that my eyes don’t go out of focus chasing the lines [yes] they can actually follow the lines without sort of getting out of focus.

A: Yes I’ve got it now: it’s those exact two colours you see, together. He had he had a blue and orange crane, I remember it very well, and you know one of those things that wind up, and that’s it.

B: It does remind me of meccano boxes [yes well] the box that contains meccano, actually.

A: Yes. Well, we had a bad do you know; we had oh we had six or eight weeks when he had a throat which was [mhm] well at the beginning it was lethal if anyone else caught it. [yeah] It was lethal to expectant mothers with small children, and I had to do barrier nursing; it was pretty horrible, and the whole corridor was full of pails of disinfectant you know [mm], and you went in, and of course with barrier nursing I didn’t go in in a mask I couldn’t with a child that small, and I didn’t care if I caught it, but I mean it was ours emptied outside you see [mm] and you had to come out and you brought all these things on to a prepared surgical board [mm mm] and you stripped your gloves off before you touched anything [mm] and you disinfected oh it was really appalling [mm]. I don’t think the doctor had expected that I would do barrier nursing you see [mm] I think she said something about she wished that everybody would take the thing seriously you know, when they were told, as I did, cause she came in and the whole corridor was lined [mm] with various forms of washing and so on, but after all I mean you can’t go down and shop if you know that you’re going to knock out an expectant mother. It was some violent streptococcus that he’d got and he could have gone to an isolation hospital but I think she just deemed that he was too small [yes mm mm] for the experience, and then after we’d had him, you know, had him for a few days at home this couldn’t be done. [mhm] She made the decision for me really, which at the time I thought was very impressive, but she didn’t know me very well: I think she thought I was a career woman who would be only too glad and would say ‘oh well he’s got to go into a hospital , you know’, so she made the decision for me and then said ‘it’s too late now to put him into an isolation hospital; I would have had to do that a few days ago’ which, I thought, I didn’t want her to do!

B: Do nurses tend to be aggressive, or does one just think that nurses are aggressive?

A: Well, that was my doctor [oh], and she didn’t at that time understand me very well. I think she does now.

It is interesting to speculate whether there is any other technical advance in the offing, which would complement the tape recorder and the computer in giving access to the processes of language. Is it likely that magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), or some other form of brain scanning, will develop to the point where, in observing the neuronal activities associated with speech, we can not simply note that such activity is taking place, in various different regions of the brain, but measure it and match it up with particular instances of speech? Sydney Lamb (1999) has consistently represented linguistic processes in connectionist networks that could be interpreted in analogous terms.

But let us come back to de Beaugrande’s concern with the effect of the computerized corpus. The scale of the data available in a corpus like the Bank of English makes two kinds of enquiry possible: one quantitative and the other qualitative. On the one hand, we can conduct quantitative studies of grammatical systems, like polarity and tense, which bring out (a) general frequencies for the language as a whole (i.e. putting all varieties together), and (b) frequencies for particular functional varieties, or registers. We can then test hypotheses about single systems (e.g. that positive will be more frequent than negative, by about one order of magnitude), about register variation as the resetting of systemic probabilities, and about the probability profile of grammatical systems as a whole. (see Halliday & James 1993; Halliday 1993).

On the other hand, we can use the corpus data to explore and establish what de Beaugrande here refers to as the missing links : lexicogrammatical patterns, involving colligation and collocation, which lie somewhere in between the systemic patterns recognized by grammarians of the language and the instantial patterns emerging from a single text. de Beaugrande provides illustrative examples of these; see especially his section F, ‘intertextual actualizations of theory and practice’.

In what sense does de Beaugrande want us to understand ‘missing links’? They are links between two modes of systemic order, the virtual systemic order of the language, and the actual systemic order of the text. We would interpret the virtual and the actual as the two poles of the instantiation cline, which we refer to as system and instance; but we would see them as being different perspectives, different standpoints of the observer, not as phenomena of two different kinds. Of course, all linguistic patterns, even the most general systems of the grammar, are manifested in text, and have to be examined in their ‘actual’ mode of being; but whereas some are very readily systemicized (networked, in the terms of a systemic grammar), others such as these ‘missing links’ are more intractable, and as such they are subject to diminishing returns. So, in investigating how the words theory and practice, and their various derivations, function in construing specific domains of experience, de Beaugrande naturally locates himself at the instance end, generalizing from particular texts that share certain features in common. It would not be impossible to approach these phenomena from the system end, and eventually we shall have to do just that; but at the present moment in history to do so would consume a massive amount of theoretical (and practical) energy which we cannot expect to afford. On the other hand, the collocation of theory with practice clearly is a systemic feature of the language; we could readily determine, for example, what proportion of the occurrences of theory were within some defined collocational range of instances of practice, and we could establish the colligation of these terms, together and separately, with particular process types in the transitivity systems.

Francis and Hunston (2000) also locate such colligational patterns in some middle ground between language and text, or in our terms between the system and the instance. Francis and Hunston show that, while their patterns are clearly revealed by the corpus data, such patterns are simply not brought into conscious awareness either by introsepection or by the inspection of occasional samples. They then make the stronger assertion that such patterns cannot be accommodated within any general theoretical grammar. We would reject this assertion; neither the fact that they have only been retrieved from corpus analysis nor the fact that they are, or involve, regularities of a lexical kind, is sufficient reason for excluding them from the reach of a grammatical theory. Note in this connection de Beaugrande’s reference to Hasan’s work in ‘lexis as most delicate grammar’ (Hasan 1985; 1987) where Hasan sets out, and illustrates, the location of lexis within a unified lexicogrammar.

De Beaugrande does not suggest that his ‘missing links’ cannot be incorporated within a general linguistic theory. His ‘intertext’ (cf our macrotext; also text type as a set of semantically related texts seen from the instance end) is a theoretical construct; its regularities could not be captured in terms of ‘rules’ for the ‘grammaticalness’ or ‘well-formedness’ of ‘sentences’, but they can be understood in terms of the ‘tuning of [...] probabilities’ among the texts that go to make it up (cf Halliday’s 1991 account of register variation as a resetting of probabilities). Then moving to a higher level of abstraction whence to theorize the relationship between text (or intertext) and language, he proposes to define a language as ‘a general theory of human knowledge and experience evolving in a dialectical relation to texts as a set of practices for working out the theory’. De Beaugrande makes it clear that these considerations are compatible with, and ultimately take off from, the theoretical ideas of Peter Hartmann and his colleagues.

We also find them compatible, and agree that a language is a general theory of human knowledge or rather, that it includes such a theory (the ideational base; cf Halliday & Matthiessen 1999); but we would want to add that it is also an enactment of human social processes, and that these two metafunctions cannot exist independently. Any text must be the product of the interaction between these two, mediated by the texturing of the whole into coherent discourse. But two questions seem to arise, in relation to de Beaugrande’s recommendations, and both have to do in some sense with the overall dimensionality of language.

One is the question of the distance from one end to the other of the instantiation cline. We have always been struck by the impoverished conception of natural language that is implicit in sentence-based theories; Halliday once gave a paper entitled How big is a language? (summarized in Halliday 1996), in which he wondered why this question was so seldom asked, and suggested that it was because when linguists moved from words to sentences they gave up thinking about language in paradigmatic terms. He gave as one example the English verb (verbal group in terms of systemic grammar), where even a network that was far from fully extended in delicacy specified a set of over 70,000 selection expressions. This output required only a partially ordered set of less than thirty grammatical systems; when clause types are networked to any significant degree of delicacy the number soon runs into the hundreds of millions. Unless one is aware of how big a language is, in paradigmatic terms, the amount of variety that is found in a corpus of texts will always seem mysterious and even threatening; it is tempting to give up at that point and invent a notion of ‘text’ that exists on a different plane of reality from ‘language’. A language is not a set of texts; but nor is it a phenomenon of a different order from text. We could call it a theory of text, in the sense in which a climate is a theory of weather; but if so it is a commonsense theory, and (as de Beaugrande has often pointed out) linguists have had a hard time coming up with a metatheory that can explain the relationship between a language, as a virtual entity (the text potential), and the observable corpus of text (whether a remnant corpus inscriptionum or an apparently bottomless Bank of English) in which this potential is actualized.

In passing: let us certainly let the texts represent themselves it is a way of showing that we trust them (recalling Sinclair's injunction (1992) to 'trust the text'). Of course, once any linguistic event becomes a text for the linguist, it thereby becomes a re-presentation: it is a record of a performance, even if we are attending to it in spoken form on tape, and if it is in writing it has undergone further re-presentation a writing system is a commonsense distillation of what aspects of a text can be left out when it is preserved. Moreover as de Beaugrande points out what we call text is in fact a spectrum of possible readings. J.R. Martin prefers to take the reading rather than the text as the endpoint of the instantiation cline.

The other aspect of the dimensionality of a language is its thickness: its stratal pattern of organisation. What we are calling ‘the text’ is a stratified entity, its strata being linked by a relationship, called metaredundancy by Lemke (1993), which also links the text to its ecosocial environment, or context of situation. What we observe as being actualized is text in context, or ‘reading in context’ if that is to be preferred. Hasan (1995, 1999) shows what is involved in representing context as part of a thicker, dimensional concept of text itself. We assume that de Beaugrande would be in sympathy with this enterprise he has written about it himself in various places elsewhere; but it is perhaps important to make the theoretical status of context explicit, because if we want, as he suggests, to ‘invest our own status as participants, in analysing or interpreting data’ (in whatever guise, including Firth’s dictum ‘the text means what you (sc. the linguist) say it means’), we cannot do this without taking as primary data the unitary phenomenon of text-in-context.

Putting these two dimensions together, instantiation and stratification, we arrive at an interpretation whereby a text, in its context of situation, is an instance of the linguistic system, in its context of culture. If we are to theorize the interpretation of the social and the semiotic (as is essential if de Beaugrande’s project for education is to have any hope of succeeding), then in order to ‘bring real language back into the centre’ we will need to be surveying very large corpora of actualized texts’ (.97) in relation to their social contexts: not only the instantial (situational) contexts of the texts themselves but also the context of the corpus as a social activity its relation to the differential distribution of textual practices across society and to the way the reading of a text is inalienably linked to the social positioning of the reader. De Beaugrande is outstanding for his insistence on the social accountability of the linguist. What we are emphasizing here is the importance of embodying this commitment into the theorizing of language itself: assuming a ‘text linguistics’ at, and beyond, the millennium, the new freedom that comes with access to large quantities of authentic data will become a truly democratic force only to the extent that the data are matched by a socially accountable theory of semiotic systems and processes.

References

Francis, Gillian and Hunston, Susan.2000. Pattern Grammar: A corpus-driven apporach to the lexical grammar of English. Amsterdam : Benjamins.

Halliday, M.A. K. 1991. Towards probabilistic interpretations. In Eija Ventola (Ed.) Functional and Systemic Linguistics: Approaches and Uses. Berlin : Mouton de Gruyter.

Halliday, M.A.K. 1993. Quantitative studies and probabilities in grammar. In Michael Hoey (Ed.) Data, Description, Discourse: Papers on the English Language in honour of John McH Sinclair. London : Harper Collins.

Halliday, M.A.K. 1996. On grammar and grammatics. In Ruqaiya Hasan, Carmel Cloran & David Butt (Eds.) Functional Descriptions: Theory in Practice. Amsterdam : Benjamins.

Halliday, M.A.K., McIntosh, Angus & Strevens, Peter. 1964. The Linguistic Sciences and Language Teaching. London : Longman.

Halliday, M.A.K, & James, Z L. 1993. A quantitative study of polarity and primary tense in the English finite clause. In John McH Sinclair, Michael Hoey & Gwyneth Fox (Eds.), Techniques of Description: Spoken and Written Discourse. London : Routledge.

Halliday, M.A.K, & Matthiessen, Christian. 1999. Construing Experience through Meaning: A Language Based Approach to Cognition. London : Cassell.

Hasan, Ruqaiya. 1985. Lending and borrowing: From grammar to lexis. In John E Clark (Ed.) The Cultivated Australian. Amsterdam : Helmut Buske.

Hasan, Ruqaiya. 1987. The grammarians dream: lexis as most delicate grammar. In Robin P Fawcett & M A K Halliday (Eds.) New Developments in Systemic Linguistics, Vol 1: Theory and Description. London : Francis Pinter.

Hasan, Ruqaiya. 1995. The conception of context in text. In Peter H Fries & Michael Gregory (Eds.) Discourse in Society: Functional Perspectives. Norwood , NJ : Ablex.

Hasan, Ruqaiya. 1999a. The disempowerment game: Bourdieu and language in literacy. Linguistics and Education 10(1): 25-87.

Hasan, Ruqaiya. 1999b. Speaking with reference to context. In Mohsen Ghadessy (Ed.) Text and Context in Functional Linguistics. Amsterdam : Benjamins.

Lamb, Sydney. 1999. The Pathways of the Brain: The Neurocognitive Basis of Language. Amsterdam : Benjamins.

Lemke, Jay. 1993. Discourse, dynamics and social change. Language as Cultural Dynamic, Special Issue of Cultural Dynamics 6.1-2: 243-275.

Sinclair, John McH. 1992. Trust the text: the implications are daunting. In Martin Davies & Louise Ravelli (Eds.) Advances in Systemic Linguistics. London : Pinter.

Svartvik, Jan & Quirk, Randolph (Eds.). 1980. A Corpus of English Conversation. Lund : C W K Gleerup.

Thibault, Paul J. 1997. Re-reading Saussure: The Dynamics of Signs in Social Life. London : Routledge.

 

Grammar versus Text

Wolfgang U. Dressler

University of Vienna

 

Since texts are among the most complex linguistic signs (or even units) which are objects of linguistic research, the number of promising approaches to their investigation is much higher than with less complex signs (e.g. word or sentence). As a consequence, even Beaugrande's very rich contribution cannot do justice to the wealth of competing promising approaches to “text”, be it in the ending or (even more) in the upcoming millennium. In accordance with the available space, I will focus my response just on one avenue towards studying the interconnected relations between grammar and text, and between virtual and actual systems, and in doing so I must refer to some of my previous work for further information.

 I quite agree with Beaugrande’s vision of text (section 23) as “a unit which actually links language to speech”, but I disagree with his equation or near-equation of language and speech with Noam Chomsky's competence vs. performance” or Ferdinand de Saussure's “langue” vs. “parole”. Already Louis Hjelmslev and Eugenio Coseriu have argued that this dichotomy must been enlarged to trichotomy which includes “language as a social institution = linguistic norms” as mediating between language as a virtual system and actualisation in performance/parole.

Hjelmslev nowhere says so; on the contrary, he vowed that if “social conditions” become the “content of conventional linguistics”, we will fail to “grasp the totality of language”, and incur “the danger” of “overlooking’ “language itself’ (1969 [1943]: 4f ).

That this trichotomy works well for those systems of grammar, also within my own naturalness approach (cf. Dressler 1999a), I have shown in many places, e.g., for phonology in Dressler (1984), for morphology in Dressler (ed. 1987). It works well also for the lexicon, e.g., when differentiating between 1) potential meanings of a word within (usually open) system, 2) the institutionalised meanings of this word, as they should be found in a good dictionary, and 3) the actual meanings in a running text. Clearly, such a conceptualisation renders the application of the empirically very important dichotomy between type and token more difficult than practitioners would like, i.e. much (explicit or implicit) theoretical groundwork is needed for operationalising the type-token relation. This is most obvious on the text level, e.g., if we want to compare tokens of the type “love letter” (or “obituary”, etc.) and count the occurrences of definitional or of proto typical properties as against accidental properties of such a type. These types, which represent genres (German “Textsorten”) are clearly to be assigned to the level of language as institution (norm) Now can we construct for these genres also correspondences on a level of the virtual system of language? Of course we can talk about “virtual love letter” (or “obituary”) and its distinctive Saussurian value in opposition to other genres of the same language. But clearly such virtual concepts are much vaguer and more fluid than any phonological, morphological, syntactic, and lexical unit of the virtual system of the same language. This is the immediate main reason why attempts at characterizing non-texts and constructing text grammars have been futile (see Beaugrande 18, 37). Thus too,stars (asterisks, a tool introduced by generative grammar) are much dimmer in text than in grammar.

As further consequences, there have been modular approaches to grammar, whereas nobody has ventured to postulate a specific text module. Accordingly, the complexity of a (virtual) grammatical system can be described in terms of a Building-Block Model or of a part-whole model of complexity theory, whereas, as shown by Beaugrande himself, the complexity of text has to be accounted for in quite different terms. Therefore it has been a scientific progress, even a must (pace Beaugrande) that grammar, which had been firmly connected with logics and rhetorics in the classical trivium since medieval times, has been isolated from text and posited as a separate object of study (cf. Dressler 1999b). This view, however, entails that grammar cannot be the core of linguistic phenomena with texts as superficial epiphenomena; rather, text linguistics, discourse analysis and pragmatics deal with the essential language phenomena, whereas virtual linguistics systems — of which virtual grammar is the most systematic and structured part — represent secondary idealization.

 These idealizations should not be seen only as models. Rather they correspond in a way which linguists interested in the psychological reality of their models must elaborate and refine, to what speakers construct themselves. Similar to constructivist frameworks which describe the self-organizing emergence of complexity in physical, chemical and biological systems, constructivist and emergentist models of language acquisition must describe how children construct and reconstruct, step by step, correspondences to the complexity of their target/input language. This happens first on the levels of phonetics on the one hand, of text and pragmatics on the other (cf. Dressler 1996). Later on children also construct fragments of grammar (Dressler ed. 1997). All these constructions are patterns which appertain to the level of norms — which of course differ from institutionalised adult norms. But when children become aware of the productivity of grammatical rules, then they (re)construct a further level of reader mechanisms of a virtual system, which represent the core of virtual grammar. Properly textual phenomena lack such a core and thus, what children, adolescents and adults can construct in this area, is a rather loose system of potentialities. For this system Beaugrande (30) is correct when concluding that “virtuality is by definition open and dynamic”.

As a result of these views, I cannot agree with Beaugrande's (17, 31) characterizations of grammar as frozen (which recalls Leo Spitzer’s famous identification of grammar with “frozen style”) nor with his rejection (32) of real synchronic system: of course, performance is always dynamic (even in the severest syndromes of global aphasia), and the level of language as institution includes many norms which are elastic and full of social transitions. Beaugrande is also correct when thinking of the open virtual systems of text. But the constructions of virtual grammar are much steadier.

 This view on the difference between text and grammar (especially qua virtual systems) engenders differential predictions for language impairments, e.g. in aphasia (cf. Dressier & Stark eds. 1988). It correctly predicts impairments of both performance and norms of both grammar and text, which is to say no difference. Aphasics may even construct new textual norms during therapy, as Dressler et al. (1990) have shown for gender-specific discourse. But whereas there is some evidence for the impairment of entities or properties of virtual grammar, there is none so far for impairment of virtual text.

Quite predictably, the steadiest part of virtual text systems occurs at the interface of text and grammar, where rules of e.g. co-reference are constructed, whose status comes close to, but is not identical with, that, of syntactic rules of sentence co-reference. Not surprisingly, this subfield of text linguistics has been called “text syntax” or “transphrastic syntax” in the s1970s. Text linguistics in the coming millennium would do well to distinguish this (rather marginal) subfield from the main objects of textual investigations.

 References

 

Dressler, Wolfgang U. 1984. Explaining Natural Phonology. Phonology Yearbook 1. 29-52.

Dressler, Wolfgang U. 1987. Leitmotifs in Natural Phonology. Vienna :  Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Dressler, Wolfgang U. 1996. A note on rhematic disagreements in early child language. In B. Partee & P. Sgall eds. Discourse and Meaning. Amsterdam : Benjamins, 205-219.

Dressler, Wolfgang U. 1999a. On a Semiotic Theory of Preferences in Language. The Peirce Seminar Papers 4, 389-415.

Dressler, Wolfgang U. 1999b. Textlinguistik und die Isolierung der Grammatik von Pragmatik und Diskurs. In F. Fuerbeth et al. eds. Zur Geschichte und Problematik der Nationalphilologien in Europa. Tübingen: Niemeyer. 823-832.

Dressler, Wolfgang U. & Jacqueline A. Stark. 1988. eds. Linguistic Analyses of Aphasic Language. New York : Springer.

Dressler, Wolfgang U., Ruth Wodak and Csaba Pleh. 1990. Gender-specific discourse in aphasia. In Y. Joanette & H. Brownell eds. Discourse Ability and Brain Damage. New York : Springer, 236-245.

 

Response to Robert de Beaugrande

 

Roland Harweg

Ruhr-Universität Bochum

 

The central object of a linguistic discipline which calls itself text linguistics is the text. It is, therefore, to be expected that in an article on text linguistics the notion of text should form the main topic, and in a certain way this expectation, in Beaugrande’s article, is clearly fulfilled. Nevertheless, I must confess that I have no clear idea of what Beaugrande means by this notion exactly. What I presume is, however, that his notion and idea of text is at least in part different from the one I have.

Basically speaking, one can, it seems to me, distinguish between two different notions of text -- two notions of text which in the view of many linguists (and this is what makes the matter rather complicated) overlap or even coincide. They coincide, however, only from a certain point of view, namely extensionally, not intensionally. Intensionally, they can clearly be distinguished, at least by opposing them to their opposite notions. Thus, the opposite notion of one of the two notions of text is the notion of language, whereas the opposite notion or, more precisely, the main opposite notion of the other of the two notions of text (for this one has more than only one opposite notion) is the notion of sentence. The former of the two notions of text designates a certain form of manifestation of language in a wider sense and is as such roughly synonymous with notions like parole and performance, its opposite notion being language in the narrower sense, i.e. langue or competence, respectively. The latter of the two notions of text, on the other hand, designates a certain level (in my conception the highest) in the hierarchy of linguistic units, a level within that hierarchy which consists, among others, of the levels of the morpheme, the word, the sentence, and the text. But although the two notions of text are, intensionally, well-distinguished, in the eyes of many linguists they, as was already said, fall together from an extensional point of view. Thus, for Chomsky and most of his adherents, the sentence, as is known, is the highest hierarchical level of language which still belongs to language in the narrower sense, i.e., to competence, and for Saussure and many of his followers, exceptions set aside, already the word is the highest linguistic unit which still belongs to language in the narrower sense, i.e. to langue. Texts, in the view of Chomsky and most generativists, belong to performance, and in the view of Saussure and his followers they belong to parole.

What is the intensional opposite notion of the notion of text in Beaugrande’s article, is it language in the narrower sense, i.e. the langue or is it the sentence? Maybe a wholly unequivocal answer to this question is not possible, but there is evidence for the assumption that this opposite notion be language (in the narrower sense), i.e. the langue. At least, this opposite notion is for him the main, the dominant opposite notion of the notion of text.

Thus, the first chapter of his article bears the heading ‘ “Language” and “text” in “modern linguistics”’, and though its terms “language” and “text” do not occur in the headings of the following chapters, the headings of the first two, namely ‘Virtual system and actual system’ and ‘Theory and practice’, obviously point in the same direction. The first and the second sentence of these chapters, respectively, are even explicitly clear about this. Thus, Beaugrande in the first sentence of the former of these two chapters writes: ‘As a provisional strategy, some “text linguists” (myself included) have for a number of years been proposing to view the relation between a language and a text as one between a virtual system and an actual system”; and in the second sentence of the latter of these two chapters he writes: ‘we could define a “language” to be a general theory of human knowledge and experience evolving in a dialectical relation to texts as a set of practices for working out the theory’.

Of these two characterisations of the opposition between language and text Beaugrande considers the former as merely ‘provisional’ and the latter as situated on a higher level. Nevertheless, he also retains the former one. This is shown by his use of ‘virtualistic’ terms like ‘collocability’ and ‘colligability’ on the one hand and ‘actualistic’ terms like ‘collocation’ and ‘colligation’ on the other, terms he uses in order to describe basic phenomena of language on the one hand and basic phenomena of texts on the other. His higher evaluation of his characterisation of the two phenomena by means of the opposition ‘theory vs. practice’ is based on the mutual dialectical connection which consists between theory and practice.

The opposition to language (in the narrower sense) is, it is true, the main opposition in which Beaugrande sees the phenomenon of the text, but not the only one. He sees the text, as some of his remarks betray, partly also in opposition to the sentence. However, he sees this opposition, whenever he speaks about it, connected with another opposition, namely that between actuality or authenticity on the one hand and inventedness on the other. Thus, he speaks, whenever he speaks of sentences or more precisely, of isolated sentences, of invented sentences, and when he speaks of texts, he speaks of actual or authe  ntic texts, and the adjectives he uses in this are, in the last analysis, only other expressions for the opposition between langue and parole, between virtualness and actualness. For Beaugrande, the opposition between language and text (in the sense of langue and parole, respectively) and the opposition between sentence and text are not independent from one another. True, he admits that, for instance in speech act theory, one has attempted to stretch and bend the concept of the ‘sentence’ in the direction of ‘performance’, and that Hjelmslev, for instance, has tried to integrate the text into the langue; but, he asserts, Hjelmslev at least has not been able to show how this could be carried out (cf. § 8).

The opposition between sentence and text, though perhaps in part as a result of his discussion of the history of modern linguistics, in fact does occur with Beaugrande, but it does so only inextricably interwoven with the opposition between language and text and increasingly eclipsed by this opposition. Finally, it is even wholly abandoned. Consider, in this connection, two passages in Beaugrande’s article. In the first of these two passages, Beaugrande still unequivocally proceeds from the conception that the text is a sequence of sentences (§ 14), a conception which still abides by the opposition between sentence and text, but he turns this conception the other way round, such that he prefers to say that the sentence is a segment within the text (§ 15). The difference is, as far as the mere relationship between sentence and text is concerned, merely one of perspective, but for Beaugrande this difference of perspective implies much more. He considers the sentence as a unit of the langue and that he fears lest, when he proceeds from the sentence to the text, that the treatment of the text would ascribe the langue-specific properties of the sentence to the text as well. Inversely, his proposal to consider the sentence as a segment of the text, i.e. to proceed from the text to the sentence, could confer the parole-specific or performance-specific treatment of the text (which he presupposes) to the sentence. Even there where he believes in a clear-cut hierarchical opposition between sentence and text is not ready to conceive of this opposition without the opposition between language and text (in the sense of langue and parole or competence and performance) and, what is more, that he subordinates the former to the latter.

The opposition between sentence and text, which in this passage appears solely as being subordinated to another opposition, in a following passage (§ 59) appears to be downright abandoned, and the abandoned opposition itself is, as it were retrospectively, even „watered down“. It is watered down by the fact that the conception of a text as a sequence of sentences is supplemented or even replaced by the conception of the text as a mere set of sentences. True, in principle the notion of ‘set’ might be in fact neutral as over against -- in Hjelmslevian terms -- paradigmaticity and syntagmaticity, but as an alternative to the notion of ‘sequence’ it is merely to be understood paradigmatically. In this conception, however, the conception of a text as a set of sentences does not make allowance for the traditional hierarchical opposition between sentence and text.

But this conception is, just as the conception that the text is a sequence of sentences, a conception which Beaugrande wants to be replaced by another one. This other conception is the conception of the text as a contribution to intertext (§ 59). What, however, is the or one intertext? So far as I can see, the notion of intertext is not explicitly defined by Beaugrande. In one place, in § 35, he seems to identify the notion of intertext with that of conversation, and although he refuses the conception of an indefinitely long intertext and of its practical correlate, possibly ‘a conversation in which the “last word” can never be said’ (§ 35), he at least exemplifies his concept of finite intertexts by the phenomenon of conversations -- a conception that reminds me of Walter A. Koch’s (1971: 260ff.) concept of conversations as, as he has called them, bi-textemes or n-textemes.

In this conception, the intertext appears to be a unit which, in the syntagmatic dimension, is superordinate to the text; for in this interpretation the relationship of the intertext to the text seems to be similar to that of the text to the sentence. There are, however, still other contexts in Beaugrande’s article, contexts in which the intertext is not conceived of as a higher syntagmatic unit, but as a higher paradigmatic unit, namely as a set of texts -- so, for instance, in § 89, where, in connection with the notions of intertext and intertextuality, Beaugrande speaks of ‘large numbers of texts’, but already in § 35 as well, where, in the immediate context of the identification of intertext and conversation, Beaugrande speaks of the discourse of history. Just as with the rejected definition of text as a sequence or set of sentences, so also in the case of the concept of the intertext: the opposition between syntagmaticity and paradigmaticity seems to play no role for Beaugrande. Apart from this, the concept of paradigmaticity, at least implicitly, seems to play the greater role, so above all when Beaugrande, as in § 59 and § 89, uses this concept in the singular -- a usage which, especially in connection with the notion of ‘networks’, reminds of the notion of internet and its globality and which seems to correspond to my notion of the universe of texts (‘Textkosmos’) (cf. Harweg 1979 [1968]: 143ff.).

For me, in contradistinction, the opposition between syntagmaticity and paradigmaticity plays a great role. Thus, I distinguish between the universe of texts (‘Textkosmos’) as the paradigmatically organised set of all texts and, inside this (unilingual, plurilingual or omnilingual) universe of texts, the different classes or sorts of texts on the one hand and the syntagmatically organised macrotexts (‘Grossraumtexte’) (cf. Harweg 1970). These macrotexts, however, are not identical with Beaugrande’s ‘conversations’ or Koch’s ‘bi-textemes’ and ‘n-textemes’. These latter texts are, in my conception, still normal texts (‘Kleinraumtexte’), since in my conception a plurality of speakers does not automatically produce a unit which transcends the unit of the text. For me, macrotexts are rather sequences of texts which, though separated from each other by lesser or greater temporal intervals, are nevertheless linked to each other anaphorically, i.e. in such a way that subsequent texts within a macrotext presuppose preceding ones in this macrotext.

In special cases such a macrotext can also be a dialogue. This, for instance, is the casewhen the dialogue consists of an exchange of letters (between two persons) in which subsequent letters refer anaphorically to preceding ones. Another example of macrotexts are successive (consecutive) newspaper reports on the successive phases of an event developing and lasting over a certain stretch of time.

The small role which is played by the Hjelmslevian opposition between syntagmaticity and paradigmaticity on the levels of text and intertext as well as the implicit preponderance of the paradigmatic on these levels manifests itself also in Beaugrande’s practical methods. In attempting to exemplify his method he, in accordance with his theoretical principles, has ample recourse to concrete and authentical texts -- a procedure which is to be highly praised and whose absence in Firth and, above all, in Hjelmslev Beaugrande justly deplores. The texts, Beaugrande (§ 60) says, stem from ‘the Bank of Englis’ at Birmingham University, the world’s largest computerised data corpus (...) containing over 329 million words of running text’. But what are ‘329 million words of running text? Surely they do not constitute one single running text, but just a host of running texts. Yet how many? And how many of these running texts are mere excerpts of authentical texts and how long are these excerpts? And even if the texts would not be excerpts, Beaugrande would have had to epitomise them at the latest when coming to use them for his exemplificatory purposes -- mainly purposes concerning problems of collocation and colligation, of collocability and colligability in the framework of sentences -- and actually this is what Beaugrande or more precisely, Mr Bullon’, who provided him with samplings of ‘roughly 200 characters’ (§ 91), has done. As the collocations investigated by Beaugrande, the syntagms of the type If I were you, theory and practice, and theoretical and practical, show, the author’s interest in syntagmaticity, in this article, seems to be reduced to syntagms of less-than-sentence length. To be sure, the samples are a little bit longer, but only a little bit. This seems to reveal that Beaugrande’s interest in and concern for textlinguistics is not -- or at most to a very small degree - guided by a concern for the dimension of syntagmaticity, but by quite another principle, namely that of authenticity. What he has exemplified in this article, reminds me strongly of what, for a long  time, many grammarians and lexicographers have done, especially (and by necessity) in the description of languages like Greek and Latin, i.e. of dead languages. To be       sure, many of the descriptive goals envisaged by Beaugrande may be much more delicate and, in the long run, also much more comprehensive than theirs, but they nevertheless still belong to sentence grammar and lexicography. They do not, at least if we judge them from the kind of examples discussed by Beaugrande in the article under discussion, refer to problems of coherence or cohesion of larger parts of texts, not to mention larger texts as wholes. Beaugrande’s main interest in textlinguistics, to say it once more, seems to be the relationship between language in the narrower sense of the word, namely langue or competence, and text in the sense of parole or performance, and as to the very essence of this relationship he really has to offer some new and important proposals. At first sight, judging from the emphasis he lays on the authenticity of texts, one might be led to conclude that, in a certain way, he would only repeat what former linguists of the twentieth century used to claim, namely that language is a virtual phenomenon, a phenomenon of competence, and the text an actual phenomenon, a phenomenon of performance. However, what Beaugrande really does is to attack or at least to modify this wide-spread view, pointing -- justly to my mind -- to what he calls a ‘bizarre implication’ of this view, namely the implication ‘that using a “language” in “speech” triggers an abrupt catastrophic transition from stable and integrative order over to unstable and disintegrative disorder’ (§ 22). This does not mean that Beaugrande would be ready to give up the distinction between language and text or langue and parole altogether. What it means is rather that he sees language and text nearer to each other. Thus, what he favours is a ‘text-like view of language, and a language-like view of texts’ (§ 55). Important for textlinguistics seems to me above all his view that texts are not wholly deprived of systemic or virtual aspects (§ 23) and that texts are not, as is normally believed and sustained, ‘exclusively created by an actualisation of lower-level virtualities’ (§ 23). Nevertheless, this is easier to assert than to prove, and I doubt that Beaugrande, in his article, has given convincing evidence to this claim. Thus, the samples of sections or portions of authentic texts he discusses centre, as I have already said, around phenomena which, to my mind, do not reach the level of text in the sense of hierarchical order, and as to his claim that „some powerful evidence for the ‘virtuality’“ of texts „would be that a single text can be received and interpreted (‘actualised’) in more than one way by different participants in a text-event or even by the same participant at different times“ (§ 24), I must confess that I cannot find it convincing either. True, this possibility is some kind of ‘virtuality’, but I doubt that it is the same kind of virtuality which we normally connect with language. Moreover, the impact of this possibility, at least for normal texts, seems to be smaller than is often believed. Not by chance, Beaugrande in this connection points to literary texts (§ 24). But to compare literary texts on that account, as already Wellek and Warren (1956) have done, to ‘langue’ and only their individual realisations to ‘parole’ seems to me somewhat hasty. This is not to say that I for myself am wholly against such an interpretation, but I think this assignment needs further specification. In principle, I must say that I heartily welcome the view that texts might be assigned both to langue and to parole, and what concerns literary texts I, too, regard them as particularly suited for this double assignment. But I do this on the basis of a slightly different conception of langue and parole. Parole, in my interpetation, is defined by communicativity, langue instead by non-communicativity -- a view which implies that language is not communicative in its totality. Language is communicative only when it is actualised, and there are even actualisations of language -- I call them ‘performance langue’ -- which are not communicative, so, for instance, if somebody utters some sentences only in order to test his husky voice. Now, as to literary or more precisely, fictional texts: they seem to me to belong to langue as long as they are viewed as productions of their non-fictive authors, that is, as real fiction, whereas they seem to me to belong to parole -- and this applies in particular to narrative fictional texts -, as soon as they are read as productions of their fictive narrators (who, together with the texts, are created by the non-fictive authors); for only when looked upon as produced by these fictive narrators and as received by recipients who are fictive as well or who have ‘fictivised’ themselves they are communicative; when they are viewed as produced by their non-fictive writers they are, apart from interpretations on some higher, e.g. symbolical level, non-communicative. Some fictional texts, namely certain lyrical poems, even seem to be non-communicative in every regard, for they are, in the original Greek sense of the word ‘poem’, interpretable only as productions of their poets, of poets who have no fictive counterpart in the sense of fictive narrators (cf. Harweg 1992).

Of course, text linguists should not content themselves with seeing a possible languicity of texts in their mere non-communicativity -- a non-communicativity which, by the way, is also to be found in the field of non-fictional texts, especially in letter-writers’ guides and colloquial language guides (for these are communicative only when they are used for communicative purposes) --, text linguists should also try to discover langue-specific features of texts that may reclaim the status of textgrammatical rules or which at least may be interpreted as rule-like to a certain extent. These could be roughly features of the kind Beaugrande discovered in investigating and interpreting the samples he has put forth in his article, except for the fact that these features, though stemming from real texts, nevertheless fall within the scope of sentences. Rules or rule-like phenomena which go beyond the sentence are, for instance, intersentential anaphorical relationships in the widest sense or the still unknown features thar contribute to the thematical unity of texts and their internal hierarchisation.

Methodologically, Beaugrande’s greatest concern seems to me his claim that the text linguist should proceed from authentic material instead of inventing his material. Although I think this might not be necessary on the level of sentences I regard his claim as sound and justified on the level of texts; for to invent texts as objects of linguistic demonstration, and that is: to write texts that have no communicational aim and value, but sound natural and at the same time satisfy specific requirements of linguistic demonstration seems to be a job that, in the long run, might be too difficult to realise. So, for obtaining reliable insights having recourse to authentical texts might indeed be indispensible. On the other hand, however, I think that the value and necessity of this method is restricted to the merely heuristic phase of this analysis procedure and should end with it. For after this the exploitation of our competence should come into play. Not to make use of this competence would be a waste of reliable and valuable resources. Beaugrande, at least in principle, seems to share this opinion. True, he doubts that ‘the native speakers’ intuition’ might ‘be reliable for telling you what they would say until there arises a real-life occasion when they do say it’ (§ 31) (which, for shorter sentences, I doubt), but with regard to the post-festum-use of our linguistic intuition he seems to hold the same view as I do; for he writes: ‘Intuition operates most smoothly after the fact in making sense of what has already been said’ (§ 31). As to the extent to which we should make use of our intuition „after the fact“, however, we might differ. Whereas Beaugrande seems to be willing to make use of our intuition only for making sense of what has been said, I should like to make use of our intuition also for deciding whether what has been said is acceptable, i.e. agrees with our intuition. Beaugrande, not very confident about our intuition, seems to think it necessary to consult a vast number of authentic texts in order to find out which among various variants is the more or most probable one, whereas I, more confident about our intuition, do not think that we need such a vast number of authentic texts; for my concern in authentic texts is a heuristic, not a probabilistic one. Instead of comparing a vast number of short samples, I should find it more interesting and rewarding to analyse fewer examples of greater or even great length, including macrotexts with temporal intervals between their parts.

On the whole, Beaugrande’s conception of text linguistics at the millennium border is a very bold and far-reaching one and seems to transcend the limits of linguistics proper (including text linguistics) in various directions. Beaugrande goes so far as to define a ‘language’ as ‘a general theory of human knowledge and experience evolving in a dialectical relation to texts as a set of practices for working out the theory’ (§ 44). What regards language -- in contradistinction to texts -- this definition reminds me somehow of Humboldt’s (1830-1835) and Weisgerber’s (1953-1954) views of a language as a specific view of the world, a view articulating and organising the world’s original conceptual chaos and thus ‘transferring the world into the property of the mind’. But unlike Humboldt and Weisgerber, Beaugrande adds to language the realm of texts and sees, as he says, language ‘in a dialectical relation to texts as a set of practices for working out the theory’ (§ 44) language is considered to be. In accordance with this view, Beaugrande tends to interpret the textual samples he analyses not only from a linguistic point of view, but also from the view-point of various other fields, such as education, sociology, and politics. The comprehensiveness of his view might have been triggered by the breath-taking vista opened by the magic date of the beginning of the new millennium already evoked in the very title of Beaugrande’s article. To my mind, this comprehensiveness, though surely impressive, is somewhat too vast and runs the risk of melting the gist of text linguistics in interdisciplinarity.

 

References

Harweg, R. (1979 [1968]). Pronomina und Textkonstitution. Munich : Fink.

Harweg, R. (1970). Zur Textologie des Vornamens: Perspektiven einer Grossraumtextologie. Linguistics 61: 12-28.

Harweg, R. (1992). Communicative and Non-Communicative Language. In: Signs of Humanity / L’homme et ses signes, M. Balat and J. Deledalle-Rhodes (eds.), vol. 1, 187-194. Berlin : Mouton & Gruyter.

Humboldt, W. (1830-1835). Über die Verschiedenheit des menschlichen Sprachbaues und ihren Einfluss auf die geistige Entwicklung des M enschengeschlechts.

Koch, W. A. (1971). Taxologie des Englischen. Munich : Fink.

Weisgerber, L. (1953-1954). Vom Weltbild der deutschen Sprache. Düsseldorf: Schwann.

Wellek,R. and Warren, A. (1956). Theory of Literature. New York : Harcourt, Brace, and World.

 

Intertextuality and the Project of Text Linguistics

Jay Lemke

City University of New York

 

In his stimulating contribution on ‘Text Linguistics at the Millennium’, Robert de Beaugrande (this issue) urges us to seek out the ‘missing links’ between language as a system of possibilities and text as a unique instance of the social act of speaking or writing. He seeks a rededication of the project of modern linguistics to understanding the meaning of texts in terms of a language system used for social ends in social contexts. And he re-establishes our optimism for such a project in the potential of large, computer-accessible corpora of text data to inform our investigations of what and how texts mean.

 My own studies of text-in-context over many years (e.g. Lemke 1983, 1985, 1990, 1991, 1994, in press) lead me to broad agreement with de Beaugrande's aims, and with the theoretical view of the text-language relationship that he presents. Coming to similar conclusions by a different path, my angle of view may help some readers of TEXT to grasp more of the multi-dimensional whole that de Beaugrande's conception of text linguistics seeks to define. I wish here to highlight several important points , de Beaugrande has made, and amplify them with brief arguments and examples from my own work. At various points I will raise some of the questions within this broad view of text linguistics that continue to perplex me.

Perhaps no question in text linguistics is more important, or more vexed, than how best to conceptualize the relationship between system potential and textual instance, whether as langue vs. parole, competence vs. performance,-- or virtuality vs. actuality. Like most of us who seek to understand how texts mean, I have had to grapple with this issue again and again in the evolution of my own work (particularly Lemke 1985, 1991, 1994, in press). By and large I have followed the general view of Michael Halliday (1977, 1978), adopted in part by Beaugrande as well, that system potential -- language as patterns of formal order inferred from some of the many regularities construable across texts -- tells us what can or perhaps cannot be said or written in a community while the instantial text tells us what has been said or written on some unique situated occasion of human social activity. This is a bare beginning. As de Beaugrande notes, texts do not entirely give up their power for meaning-making, they are not entirely meanings made. There is still something language-like, a resource potential for making further meaning, using features of a given text or of many similar texts as a tool to create new meanings in new texts. Texts are in some sense made from other texts (intertextuality) as well as from language as code.

Likewise, the meaning-making potential of language as a cultural system in its broadest sense is not exhaustively described either by the purely paradigmatic systems of Halliday's lexicogrammar, nor by the purely syntagmatic syntax of the MIT school. Language as systematic resource for the making of textual meanings retains the key feature of what it makes: an inner dialectic between choice and sequence. The choices are not the same once the sequence has progressed to some particular point in the making of a text; the choices made up to now influence the possible sequences that can follow, and -- do so on multiple scales. Neither language nor text is ever a truly synchronic phenomenon; both are dynamic in nature. Whether we imagine the act of writing or speaking as an on-going production, contingent at each next moment, or the effort of interpretation; similarly, the meaning of text is, made through time, and never wholly predictably: the aggregate probabilities for each choice that are the system are not only re-weighted for each situation and each text, but dynamically shift during the process of text-production itself. The overall meaning potential of the language, whether as grammar alone or as the totality of its semantic resources, is also constantly changing, on many timescales.

I consider myself, when necessary, a semiotic materialist; that is, I take the basic reality of language to be the sounds and marks by which we invoke its power to mean, but their semiotic power I take to reside not in the sounds and marks themselves, but in the particular conventional systems of meaning relationships among them that are repeatedly construed by the members of some community. Thus the material reality of language for me is in the texts themselves as material objects (or material dynamical processes), and their full semiotic force appears when they are interpreted into unique, wholly definite meanings, however unstably. What we call grammar or syntax, semantic systems, language rules, etc. are all the products of our analysis, mere theoretical conveniences, whose only real existence is in the texts we ourselves produce as linguists and in which they are embedded. I am perhaps at the philosophical margins in believing that no such relationship we construe is an absolutely necessary one; we could imagine and speak of the world, and survive, in indefinitely many ways. Our being-in-the-world constrains something about how we talk and behave survivably, but it does not determine any particular meaning relationship absolutely. I say this because such issues do matter to the classic top-down vs. bottom-up debate over the text-language relationship. Platonists and neo-Cartesians grant a causal reality to formal abstractions; I do not, and neither as I read him does de Beaugrande. All that we say of language is an abstraction from our experience with particular texts, and is itself just one more text.

So the problem of the ‘missing links’ then becomes a question of appropriate units of analysis and useful levels of abstraction as we move from the unique meaning-interpreted-text-in-context, to features of texts that are typical or frequently repeated under some conditions, to features that seem ever-present and only very slowly changing over historical time. Perhaps it is not surprising that modern scientific linguistics looked first to identify the most invariant features across all texts, and construed first phonological and then morphosyntactic patterns. Nor is it really surprising, in the model I would share with de Beaugrande, Halliday and many others, that these patterns enable us to make textual meaning, but do not very much constrain the particular meanings we make, and so they serve to tell us relatively little about what particular texts mean.

I am an applied linguist; I am more interested in the texts I study, and what they tell me about the society I live in, than I am in the details of linguistic abstractions for their own sake. I turn to those details only to help me understand better the possible meanings of various texts in their social contexts. When I first studied the spoken texts made by teachers and students in science classrooms (Lemke 1990), I was struck by their affinities to and differences from the written-texts of professional science which I had studied as a physicist. I was also impressed by the very many ways in which what counts for the scientific community as the same scientific explanation can be presented in words. The critical meanings in these classrooms were matters of intertextuality: How could students synthesize from ten partial explanations one coherent understanding? How can we learn to judge which differences of wording matter to the scientific content of a text and which do not? My answer to these puzzles was a ‘missing link', which I called an intertextual thematic formation (Lemke 1983, 1994). It abstracted from a set of thematically related texts their common semantic patterns insofar as these mattered to a particular community for a particular set of social purposes. It recognized the role of grammar and textual cohesion, but it was far more ‘local', more register-specific. When I attempted to understand the reverse process, going from such a common textual pattern to any actual wording that conformed to it, I immediately saw how much else texts are about besides their topical content (social relationships, evaluative orientations, rhetorical organization, etc.).

As I investigated these other meaning functions of texts, I began to appreciate why we make texts at all. Why should we not be content with sentences of a few clauses? What kinds of meanings can be made with longer texts that cannot be made with shorter ones? How do the short-scale meanings of texts ‘add up’ to their longer-scale meanings? De Beaugrande notes in his discussion of the practicalities of corpus-based analyses that in many registers and genres of text we cannot have much confidence in the specificity of the meaning of even a short phrase like ‘theory and practice', unless we look across some minimal scale of co-text. In my own analyses of how texts present an evaluation of the warrantability, desirability, importance, expectedness, etc. of a semantic item (word, more often phrase or clause), I found that in many cases both the polarity and the degree of the evaluation had ‘propagated’ grammatically and rhetorically from a distance of several clauses or even paragraphs in the text (Lemke 1998). Texts are organized on many formal and functional scales, and these matter very much to how they make their meanings. Our intermediate units of analysis, our ‘missing links’ must take them into account to be useful for our purposes. it is a basic feature of text that it is semantically heterogeneous; it makes different, if related, meanings at different points. This is the visible or audible trace of the dynamical processes of its production and interpretation, processes which generate new and different next meanings from whatever meanings have already been made up to some point.

As we abstract ‘upwards’ from a set of texts toward common patterns, we must be guided by some social purposes of our own community. And we always are, knowingly or not. There are just too many possible patterns, especially close to the level of texts themselves; only interest or need enables us to selectively foreground some rather than others. In both his general arguments and his textual examples, de Beaugrande insistently reminds us of the politics of linguistics as an intellectual endeavor. We must indeed subject our own professional texts to the same scrutiny we direct at others'. The register of linguistics, the common genres and rhetorical commonplaces of linguistics, the covert heroic stories into which we write ourselves as protagonists: all of these have social and political histories that matter. We cannot adopt a viewpoint of ‘no viewpoint', or pretend to a universality of view when our own view must necessarily always be only a partial one.

The partiality of our analyses can be investigated not just in the terms of global politics and alternative human futures, but most simply in terms of the fact, stressed by de Beaugrande, that each of us. has only grasped a very limited subset of all the kinds of texts made on this planet in our lifetime. Indeed, as our societies grow more complex and internally differentiated, each of us arguably encounters an ever smaller fraction of the texts and the text-types of even one language. Here indeed there is special value in very large text corpora, where every sort of text made in the world is proportionally represented (an ideal not yet achieved of course in any real corpus). But even if we find such texts on the computer screen before us, what are we to make of them? We are not members of all these speech communities; we do not have available to us the intertexts considered by members to be relevant to their interpretation.

I believe that text linguistics must acknowledge the severe limitations of the heroic story of One Great Linguist who overcomes many obstacles to find the salvation of a Universal Truth about language. Those of us who seek to begin from diverse textual data and find genuinely useful typical patterns across large sets of texts may need to restrict our work, and our claims, to well-defined corpora with which we have adequate intertextual competence to work. If we seek generalizations beyond this limit, then we will need to work in teams or consortia, to pool our collective knowledge of texts in order to further our common knowledge of text.

 References

 Halliday, M.A.K. (1977). Text as semantic choice in social context. In T.A. van Dijk and J. Petöfi, Eds., Grammars and Descriptions. Berlin : de Gruyter.

Halliday, M.A.K. (1978). Language as social semiotic. London : Arnold .

Lemke, J.L. (1983). Thematic analysis. Semiotic Inquiry 3(2):159-187.

Lemke, J.L. (1985). Ideology, intertextuality, and the notion of register. In J.D. Benson and W. S. Greaves, Eds., Systemic Perspectives on Discourse. Norwood , NJ : Ablex Publishing, 275-294.

Lemke, J.L. (1990). Talking Science: Language, Learning, and Values. Norwood , NJ : Ablex Publishing.

Lemke, J.L. (1991). Text production and dynamic text semantics. In E. Ventola, Ed. Functional and Systemic Linguistics: Approaches and Uses. Berlin : Mouton/deGruyter, 23-38.

Lemke, J.L. (1994). Intertextuality and text semantics. In M. Gregory and P. Fries, Eds. Discourse in Society: Functional Perspectives. Norwood , NJ : Ablex

Lemke, J.L. (1998). Resources for attitudinal meaning: Evaluative orientations in text semantics. Functions of language 5(l): 33-56, 1998.

Lemke, J.L. (in press). Semantic topography and textual meaning. To appear in J. de Villiers and R. Stainton, Eds. Communication in Linguistics. Toronto : Editions du GREF, 1-23

 

Sin and grace: naught for noughts?

 J.R. Martin

University of Sydney

Embarking on the noughts (2000-09), Robert and I are fellow-travellers. I agree the key to progress is reworking langue and parole as a dialectic of system and process, and finding ways of exploring process that illuminate metastability (systemic inertia and dynamism - the problem of social semiotic change). In relation to this project I find it useful to draw on two key dimensions of systemic functional linguistics (hereafter SFL), the clines of instantiation and realisation (Halliday & Matthiessen 1999). Instantiation involves the way we observe metastability - as apparent flux or inertia or something in between. Halliday’s analogy here is weather and climate; weather the capricious flux we experience day to day, climate the comforting inertia we try to use to plan. Critically, weather and climate are the same thing, looked at in different ways. And we can argue that weather changes climate, in ways that matter (global warming) and ways that don’t (like when we hear that today’s temperature is 26°, 2° degrees above average, which in fact changes that average, and we don’t fuss about the contradiction) -- or that climate determines weather (since It always rains in Melbourne, and as Sydney-siders overclaim).

Thus text interacts with system, along a cline of instantiation, including system (the generalised meaning potential of a language), register (sub-potentials characterised as registers and genres), text type (generalised instances -- a set of texts if you will), text (the meanings afforded by an instance) -- to which we should perhaps add at the end of the cline, following Robert, reading (the meaning taken from a text according to the subjectivity of the reader):

system (generalised meaning potential)

register (semantic sub-potential)

text type (generalised actual)

text (affording instance)

reading (subjectified meaning)

Robert’s point is that we can’t understand the climate unless we study local weather. Amplifying this, I’d suggest that we be clearer about how we position data and generalisations along this cline, and work harder at finding ways of modelling inertia and flux right along the cline - since we need to show both where the system end is leaning and how the reading end is constrained - in order to understand how the dialectic of instantiation changes things fast enough to matter and slowly enough to keep us sane.

Realisation, on the other hand, involves the way we model metastable systems - as abstract or concrete, or something in between. Linguists, qua linguists, typically get real by taking phonic substance as point of departure, and treating the rest of language and culture as layers of abstraction. In SFL, depth of abstraction is treated as metaredundancy - as patterns of patterns of patterns of... (see Lemke 1995). Within language the strata focus on the syllable (phonology), clause (lexicogrammar) and text (discourse semantics); social context is modelled as field (institution), tenor (interaction) and mode (information flow), and sometimes in addition as genre (the system of social processes constraining immanent associations of field, mode and tenor relations; Martin 1992, 1997):

genre (immanent social processes)

register (institution/interaction/information)

discourse semantics (text forming resources)

lexicogrammar (clause forming resources)

phonology syllable forming resources/prosody)

Instantiation and realisation are complementary dimensions in the model, so we can consider the relation of system to process at any level of abstraction. Robert didn’t deal in detail with realisation, and what I want to do here is make some complementary suggestions about exploring language in use with this dimension in mind.

By way of pointing us forward in our exploration of system and process, Robert draws on corpus linguistics, particularly its well automated dealings with collocation and colligation. I have no doubt that the collocational lexical perspective complements work on grammar as system in important ways, and that Halliday’s notion of lexis as delicate grammar still has to be reconciled with this tradition. As for colligation, I expect we need to move from tagging syntagms to tagging structures (from class sequences like noun^noun or nominal^verbal to function frames like Actor^Process or Classifier^Thing) for significant progress to be made. The problem is of course that tagging functional frames is far harder to automate than tagging syntagms; we just don’t have the parsers, and hand tagging is so slow. We have a soft-ware problem here, and we have to face it to make it go away. In the meantime, semi-automated workbenches will have to serve, as we move beyond classes to functions and thus bring meaning into the scope of grammatical inquiry, just as collocation research has brought lexical meaning to bear.

So much for grammar; what about discourse? One thing that concerned me about Robert’s exemplifications was that they didn’t take us beyond the clause to deal with discourse semantic dependencies. In a journal like Text, this should perhaps be a central concern. Time to get our hands dirty. Consider text 1:

 [1] There is a sense, then, in which the demand for a total recollection of sins results in the unlimited extensions of discourse purporting to extract and convey one’s successes and failures in accounting for past acts and desires. Accounting thus allows confession to become a self-sustaining machine for the reproduction not only of God’s gifts of mercy but of “sin” as well. For God’s continued patronage -- the signs of His mercy -- requires a narrative of sins to act upon. The confessor who sits in lieu of an absent Father needs the penitent’s stories, without which there can be no possibility of asserting and reasserting the economy of divine mercy. Without the lure of sin, the structure of authority implicit in this economy would never emerge. Confession was crucial because it produced a divided subject who was then made to internalise the Law’s language. The penitent became “the speaking subject who is also the subject of the statement” (Foucault 1980: 1:61). But confession was also important because it made for the ceaseless multiplication of narratives of sin through their ever-faulty accounting. In introducing the category of “sin”, confession converted the past into a discourse that was bound to the Law and its agents. In this way the accounting and recounting of the past generated the complicitous movement between sin and grace. [Rafael 1988]

I’m sure collocation and colligation would have a lot to say about data of this kind, whether working with a span of 80 or 200 characters or more. The lexis and grammar of post-colonial discourse feels distinctive; and we could begin to systematise our feelings. But there is more going on. Rhetorical dependencies between sentences and ranking clauses for one thing, as the argument unfolds:

 [i] There is a sense, then ...

[ii] Accounting thus ...

[iii] For ...

[iv]

[v]

[vi] Confession was crucial because it produced a divided subject who was then ...

[vii]

[viii] But confession was also important because ...

[ix] In introducing the category of “sin”...

[x] In this way ...

And identity dependencies as participants are tracked:

God’s-God’s-His

Confession-it

confession-it

narratives-their

the Law-its

And these two types of semantic interdependency interact at both the beginning and end of the text. At it’s beginning, resolving the identity of the demand for a total recollection of sins specifies the scope of the linker then, which on its own simply tells us that what preceded is causally connected to what follows (taking us back to The Spanish demand is that nothing be held back in confession; see text [1´] below).

[The Spanish demand is that nothing be held back in confession] -

There is a sense, then, in which the demand for a total recollection of sins

Similarly at the end of the text, resolving the identity of the accounting the recounting of the past specifies the scope of this in the linker in this way. Exploring further, for example through the taxonomy oriented ideational dependencies (noting in particular the balance of semiotic and religious lexis)...

narrative-stories-narratives-accounting-accounting-recounting

demand-asserting-reasserting-speaking

sins-successes-failures-mercy-sin-mercy-sins-mercy-sin-sin-sin-sin-grace

God-God-confessor-Father-penitent-penitent

etc.

we should arrive at a schema naturalised by the text in which [i-iii] are elaborated by [iv-ix] which are in turn elaborated by [x]; the function of confession is previewed, expanded upon, then distilled as the complicitous movement between sin and grace:

[i] There is a sense, then, in which the demand for a total recollection of sins results in the unlimited extensions of discourse purporting to extract and convey one’s successes and failures in accounting for past acts and desires.

[ii] Accounting thus allows confession to become a self-sustaining machine for the reproduction not only of God’s gifts of mercy but of “sin” as well.

[iii] For God’s continued patronage -- the signs of His mercy -- requires a narrative of sins to act upon.

[iv] The confessor who sits in lieu of an absent Father needs the penitent’s stories, without which there can be no possibility of asserting and reasserting the economy of divine mercy.

[v] Without the lure of sin, the structure of authority implicit in this economy would never emerge.

[vi] Confession was crucial because it produced a divided subject who was then made to internalise the Law’s language.

[vii] The penitent became “the speaking subject who is also the subject of the statement” (Foucault 1980: 1:61).

 [viii] But confession was also important because it made for the ceaseless multiplication of narratives of sin through their ever-faulty accounting.

[ix] In introducing the category of “sin”, confession converted the past into a discourse that was bound to the Law and its agents.

[x] In this way the accounting and recounting of the past generated the complicitous movement between sin and grace.

And this is just one small piece of texture in a longer phase the third part of Chapter 3 of Rafael’s Contracting Colonialism, a treatise on translation and Christian conversion in the Philippines :

3. Conversion and the Demands of Confession 84

The “inadequacies” of Tagalog Conversion 84

Reducing Native Bodies 87

Confession and the Logic of Conversion 91

This longer phase opens with a transition from what preceded (this internalisation...) to what ensues (two interrelated procedures); these ‘procedures’ are scaffolded as they appear by the linker first, and the phoric Numerative second - and resolved through the identity of the process of accounting and the discourse of interrogation.

This internalisation of an exterior hierarchy consists of two interrelated procedures: the accounting of past events and the reproduction of the discourse of interrogation contained in the confession manual:

First, the process of accounting. All confession manuals contain the unconditional demand that all sins be revealed...

These considerations bring us to the second moment in the interiorisation of hierarchy prescribed by confession: the reproduction of the discourse of interrogation...

Many people find post-structuralist discourse hard to read. And it is one of the most abstract discourses the technology of writing has enabled writers to evolve. But its rhetoric and the way it is textured through semantic dependencies of the kinds just reviewed subsumes the more familiar rhetoric of modernist discourse (Halliday 1998, Wignell 1998). The challenge for text analysts is to unveil this rhetoric, and explain just how the post-colonial discourse has superseded it. We didn’t get far down that road here. Here’s the text again, with some co-text; if knowledge about language and social context has a role to play in language learning, it should be easier going this time round.

 [1´] This internalisation of an exterior hierarchy consists of two interrelated procedures: the accounting of past events and the reproduction of the discourse of interrogation contained in the confession manuals.

First, the process of accounting. All confession manuals contain the unconditional demand that all sins be revealed...

The Spanish demand is that nothing be held back in confession. One is to expend all that memory can hold in a discourse that will bring together both the self that recalls and that which is recalled. The present self that confronts the priest in confession is thus expected to have managed to control his or her past - to reduce it, as it were, to discursive submission. Whereas the examination of conscience requires the division of the self into one that knows the Law and seeks out the other self that deviates from it, a “good confession” insists on the presentation of a self in total control of its past. It is in this sense that confessional discourse imposes on the individual penitent what Roland Barthes called a “totalitarian economy” involving the complete recuperation and submission of the past to the present, and by extension of the penitent to the priest (Barthes 1976: 39-75).

Yet insofar as the ideal of a perfect accounting of sins also necessitated their recounting in a narrative, it was condemned to become a potentially infinite task. Given the limitations of memory, accounting “engenders its own errors.” And the errors created by faulty accounting become further sins that have to be added to the original list. The very possibility of a correct accounting engenders an erroneous accounting, just as remembering one’s sins would make no sense unless there existed the possibility of forgetting them. It is thus the guarantee of a faulty accounting of sins that makes conceivable the imperative for total recall. Barthes puts it more succinctly: “Accountancy has a mechanical advantage: for being the language of a language, it is able to support an infinite circularity of errors and of their accounting” (Barthes 1976: 70).

There is a sense, then, in which the demand for a total recollection of sins results in the unlimited extensions of discourse purporting to extract and convey one’s successes and failures in accounting for past acts and desires. Accounting thus allows confession to become a self-sustaining machine for the reproduction not only of God’s gifts of mercy but of “sin” as well. For God’s continued patronage -- the signs of His mercy -- requires a narrative of sins to act upon. The confessor who sits in lieu of an absent Father needs the penitent’s stories, without which there can be no possibility of asserting and reasserting the economy of divine mercy. Without the lure of sin, the structure of authority implicit in this economy would never emerge. Confession was crucial because it produced a divided subject who was then made to internalise the Law’s language. The penitent became “the speaking subject who is also the subject of the statement” (Foucault 1980: 1:61). But confession was also important because it made for the ceaseless multiplication of narratives of sin through their ever-faulty accounting. In introducing the category of “sin”, confession converted the past into a discourse that was bound to the Law and its agents. In this way the accounting and recounting of the past generated the complicitous movement between sin and grace. [Rafael 1988: 101-103]

These considerations bring us to the second moment in the interiorisation of hierarchy prescribed by confession: the reproduction of the discourse of interrogation... My point here is that we need discourse semantic tagging, alongside lexicogrammatical analysis, in order to unpack the rhetorical contingencies whereby texts make meaning -- including the meanings that make and re-make system. There is more to system than grammar;[Note. Even where discourse semantics and phonology are given a place in analysis, promotion of grammar as the semogenic powerhouse of the system gives me pause (cf. Halliday & Matthiessen 1999) -- discourse analysts might not agree.] it involves phonology/graphology and discourse semantics as well. Collocation and colligation, however richly conceived, will never tell us all we need to know. However much harder the tagging of discourse semantic dependencies may be to automate, I think we are in desperate need of more, systematic text analysis that goes beyond the clause without lapsing into informal explication de texte.

Martin (1992) suggests four major regions of discourse semantic analysis - identification (participant tracking), conjunction (logical connections of time, cause etc.), negotiation (speech function and dialogue structure) and ideation (realisation of taxonomies and activity sequences). It strikes me that research in SFL and west-coast functionalist tradition[Note. I take Fox 1987 as the exemplary west-coast functionalist study, since it brings several discourse semantic regions (CA, RST and participant identification) to bear on the ‘ grammar’ of text development; more generally, dialogue with SFL has been impeded by west-coast aversion to theory building and their concern with discourse as an explanation for grammar, at the expense of developing grammars as (part of) an explanation for discourse (cf. Cumming & Ono 1997).] has been converging around these regions for some years and that productive dialogue is now possible. I’m thinking here for example of Dubois 1980, Mann & Thompson 1992 in relation to Halliday & Hasan 1976, Martin 1992; of Ochs et al 1996 in relation to Coulthard 1992; of Halliday & Matthiessen 1999 in relation to Langacker 1987:

'West Coast Functionalism'  (Fox 1987)               SFL

‘identification’   identity (Dubois 1980)                   reference

‘conjunction’    RST (Mann & Thompson 1992)    conjunction

‘negotiation’     CA (Ochs et al. 1996)                    exchange

‘ideation’          cognitive linguistics (Langacker)    ideational semantics

No doubt readers can make additional connections of their own. The critical thing is that discourse analysis include text analysis, not as a matter of form, but as the semantic foundation for discourse on discourse -- the meta-readings we’re trained to make.

The cline of abstraction I introduced above includes the social -- as a pattern of meanings. As such it makes room for a language-based theory of social context, which enables linguists to participate in transdisciplinary projects as social semiotic practitioners. I think the time for productive inter-disciplinary work is over -- by which I mean projects in which linguists hand over to sociologists, anthropologists, critical theorists or whatever once they’ve worked through phonology, lexicogrammar and discourse semantics (or even before!). This doesn’t encourage dialogue, since it means the linguists aren’t taking responsibility for the social just as the social theorists aren’t taking responsibility for language (cf. Schegloff 1996). We need overlapping intrusive expertise to move on,[Note. What WILL happen is that we’ll continue to be bogged down in common sense chat about social context- - at times referred to as ethnography (but not informed that I can see by social theory of any kind), at times reglossed as cognition (but not reconciled that I can see with Edelman’s neo-Darwinian neuro-biology; cf. Halliday 1995, Halliday & Matthiessen 1999, Matthiessen 1998 for discussion).] and this means pushing the cline of realisation right through as many levels of abstraction as we can.

Martin (1992) interprets field, tenor and mode (named register) as configurations of ideational, interpersonal and textual meaning respectively; and interprets genre as co-patterning of register choices recurrently phased together in unfolding text. Genre in such terms, as a pattern (of a pattern of) linguistic choices corresponds to Biber’s use of the term text type (cf. Biber & Finnegan 1995: 7-10). Biber’s reserves the term genre (later register) for ‘folk’ categorisations of discourse glossed in terms of social purpose, and packages his corpora for both analysis and interpretation in relation to such criteria, which he sees as language external. As dialogue between SFL and this great Northern Arizona tradition of corpus based research unfolds I would like to see a richer tagging system, including function structures and discourse semantic dependencies, developing in tandem with an ongoing re-packaging of corpora based on genre and register as configurations of meaning. Initially, of course, the theory behind such packaging will depend on register and genre theory evolving out of intensive manual analysis of exemplary texts (Christie & Martin 1997); as automation facilitates analysis, this can be extended along the cline of instantiation through text types to registers. In the foreseeable future the need for Biber’s distinction between text type and register/genre would hopefully disappear, as we arrive at a linguistically responsible characterisation of language use as recurrent configurations of meaning. At this point linguistics will have arrived as a real player in the humanities and social sciences, with a linguistically materialised theory of social action -- and the transdisciplinary dialogues we need can take off. But without richer tagging, and corpora packaged with respect to current best guesses about immanent genres, this isn’t going to happen in the noughts.[Note. In Australia, for example it’s the teacher/linguists who have pushed our literacy work ahead on a transdisciplinary footing, not linguists working with teachers; Cope & Kalantzis 1993, Hasan & Williams 1996, Christie 1999.]

In short, I’m agreeing with Robert about instantiation -- system and process in relation to genesis is what we’re after; and I’m expanding on Robert in relation to realisation - we need to get beyond the clause, getting bigger and digging deeper towards a fuller spectrum of social linguistic analysis.[Note. It’s no use getting deeper without getting bigger, along the dated syntax, semantics and pragmatics cline, since in this tradition we never really escape the clause; text analysis gets pushed to the margins, as performance really, as Robert implies.] Pursuing this, we have to be cautious of two things:

 (i) getting trapped by automation, so that we only do what machines let us (e.g. collocation, colligation, text types based on words classes and syntagms etc.);

(ii) getting mesmerised by scintillating grammarians proffering super-grammars, so that we put off discourse analysis because the super-grammars do so much more than we could ever have reasonably expected them to.

Believe me when I say that I’m not slighting Biber, Sinclair, Halliday and Matthiessen here; their work founds our future, and grammars like Halliday’s, however rich from a grammarians’ point of view, are barely enough when it comes to serving as one key meta-semiotic ratchet in the discourse analyst’s tool-kit. But as discourse analysts we have to put ourselves in position to bargain strongly with both grammarians and soft-ware. To grammarians we’re saying, “Fine; give us all you got; now, give us more; and by the way, when you run out of grammar, let us take over.” To programmers we’re saying, “OK; give us an interactive workbench for rich text analysis; automate what you can, and we’ll do the rest by hand; and by the way, please build a program than can learn from our manual analysis and from our manual editing of your automations how to automate better and automate more!”

If we bargain well, we can move forward gracefully, wary of sins of omission (however technologically induced). Bargain badly and it will be naught for noughts. Robert to umpire. Us to choose.

References

Biber, D. & E. Finnegan. 1994. Sociolinguistic Perspectives on Register. Oxford : Oxford University press.

Coulthard, M. [Ed.] .1992. Advances in Spoken Discourse Analysis. London : Routledge.

Christie, F. [Ed.]. 1999. Pedagogy and the Shaping of Consciousness: linguistic and social processes. London : Cassell.

Christie, F. & J. R. Martin. 1997. Genre and institutions: social processes in the workplace and school. London : Cassell (Open Linguistics Series).

Cope, W. & M. Kalantzis [Eds.]. 1993.The Powers of Literacy: a genre approach to teaching literacy. London : Falmer.

Cumming, S. & T. Ono. 199.7 Discourse and grammar. T A van Dijk [Ed.] Discourse as Structure and Process. London : Sage (Discourse Studies: a multidisciplinary introduction. Volume 1).112-137.

Du Bois, J. W. 1980. Beyond definiteness: the trace of identity in discourse. W L Chafe [Ed.] The Pear Stories: cognitive, cultural and linguistic aspects of narrative production. Norwood , N.J. : Ablex. 203-274.

Fox, B. 1987. Discourse Structure and Anaphora: written and conversational English. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press.

Halliday, M. A. K. 1995. On language in relation to the evolution of human consciousness. In S. Allén [Ed.] Of Thoughts and Words: Proceedings of Nobel Symposium 92, “The relation between language and the mind”, Stockholm 8-12 August 1994. London : Imperial College Press.

Halliday, M. A. K. 1998. Things and relations: regrammaticising experience as technical knowledge. In Martin & Veel 185-235.

Halliday, M. A. K. & R. Hasan. 1976. Cohesion in English. London : Longman (English Language Series 9).

Halliday, M. A. K. & C. M. I. M. Matthiessen 1999. Construing Experience through Meaning: a language-based approach to cognition. London : Cassell.

Hasan, R. & G. Williams [Eds.]. 1996. Literacy in Society. London : Longman.

Hunston, S. & G. Thompson [Eds.]. 1999. Evaluation in Text: authorial stance and the construction of discourse. Oxford : Oxford University Press.

Langacker, R. 1987. Foundations of Cognitive Grammar. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Lemke, J. 1995. Textual Politics: discourse and social dynamics. London : Taylor & Francis.

Mann, W. C. & S. Thompson [Eds.] 1992. Discourse Description: diverse analyses of a fund raising text. Amsterdam : Benjamins.

Martin, J. R. 1992. English Text: system and structure. Amsterdam : Benjamins.

Martin, J. R. & R. Veel 1998. Reading Science: critical and functional perspectives on discourses of science. London : Routledge.

Matthiessen, C.M.I.M. 1995. Lexicogrammatical cartography: English systems. Tokyo : International Language Sciences Publishers.

Matthiessen, C.M.I.M. 1998. Construing processes of consciousness: from the common sense model to the uncommon sense model of cognitive science. In Martin & Veel, 327-356.

Ochs, E., E. A. Schegloff & S. A Thompson. [Eds.]. 1996. Interaction and Grammar. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press.

Rafael, V. 1988. Contracting Colonialism: translation and Christian conversion in Tagalog society under early Spanish rule. Manila : Ateneo de Manila University Press, 101-103.

Schegloff, E. A. 1996. Turn organisation: one intersection of grammar and interaction. In Ochs et al. 52-133.

Wignell, P. 1998. Technicality and abstraction in social science. In Martin & Veel 297-326.

 

Last words?

Robert de Beaugrande  

These responses certainly do satisfy the criteria of range and diversity, which I of course find gratifying but which also doom any attempt at riposte or rebuttal within the confines of an already lengthy, erm, intertext. I confess being a trifle disquieted  when ideas or positions I do not hold, and have said why not in print, albeit perhaps not here, are attributed to me now – a reflex I suppose of  unfamiliarity with the  larger scope of my work. But I am quite content  to rest my case with what I said here and  now.

Still, just one example: I have always rejected the notions of the ‘text’ being a ‘unit above the sentence’ or a ‘sequence  of sentences’ (pace Harweg): the ‘text’ is an event, (yes, an actualisation!) whereas the ‘sentence’ is at most the default unit (also actual!) of written language as opposed to the ‘utterance’ of spoken language. I imply no ‘opposition’ of sentence and text, so I cannot have ‘abandoned’ it (Harweg again).

Since I had only the responses e-mailed to me, I have taken the liberty of unifying the references as well as insidious formats stemming from disagreeable word-processors which padded in assyrian hosts of unwanted blanks or confounded me with unsearchable phantom menaces wreaking baleful and hideous side-effects upon prints and paragraphs. More prosaically, I amended obvious typos and putative lapses in punctuation, but only the more distended or bewildering Teutonic solecisms.

All in all, I am delighted to finally present this colourful gallery, and to thank my distinguished colleagues for their thought-provoking deliberations.

 

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